United Nations Economic Commission for Africa - Ideas for a prosperous Africa

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  Rethinking Europe’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism

  par minilik.demissie le March 16, 2026

  6 June, 2025Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintBy Rola Dashti, Claver Gatete, and Mahmoud Mohieldin   By applying a one-size-fits-all carbon-pricing regime to countries with vastly different capacities, the European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism undermines the principle of a just energy transition. To be effective, the CBAM must be more flexible and allow developing economies time to prepare and adapt.   BEIRUT/ADDIS ABABA/CAIRO – As the climate crisis escalates, the European Union and the United Kingdom are moving forward with their Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, promoting it as a landmark tool linking trade and climate policy. But the CBAM’s ambitious aims are now meeting a growing backlash. The CBAM puts a price on the carbon content of emissions-intensive imports like steel, aluminium, and cement. The goal is to reinforce the EU’s Emissions Trading System (ETS) and create a level playing field between domestic and foreign producers, thereby incentivizing greener production practices worldwide. Despite the European Parliament’s support for recent proposals to simplify the CBAM, its current design and pace of implementation risk undermining its legitimacy. Rather than advancing a fair and equitable energy transition, it could stoke trade tensions and fuel economic fragmentation, exacerbate inequality, and deliver only limited climate benefits. The transition phase, which began in October 2023, requires importers to report carbon dioxide emissions associated with their goods, but does not require them to pay. That will change in January 2027, when the CBAM’s levies on carbon-intensive imports take effect. Most countries in the Global South – particularly major exporters to the EU – are unprepared for this shift, because they lack the technical capacity to track and report embedded CO2 emissions, the institutional infrastructure to verify them, and the fiscal space to absorb the costs of compliance. These are some of the symptoms of a deeply unequal global system in which the burdens of climate action have not been fairly distributed. However commendable the CBAM’s stated goals may be, its inherent asymmetries must not be overlooked. Applying a uniform carbon-pricing regime to countries with vastly different capacities undermines the principle of a just energy transition and erodes the legitimacy of global climate action by placing a disproportionate burden on those least responsible for the crisis. Many developing economies are still recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic and struggling with rising public debt, in addition to being acutely vulnerable to climate shocks. Now, they are expected to comply with EU and UK standards despite lacking access to robust emissions data systems, clean technologies, regulatory infrastructure, and adequate climate finance. Compounding the problem, revenues generated through the CBAM will be directed to the budgets of the EU and the UK rather than to international climate finance or support for affected countries. This design flaw reinforces the perception that the CBAM is not a genuine effort to advance global climate goals but an instrument of trade protectionism. Many countries, particularly outside Europe, have voiced such concerns, viewing the mechanism as a unilateral trade measure cloaked in green rhetoric. The geopolitical consequences could be dire. The CBAM has emerged at a time of fraying multilateralism and escalating trade tensions. Without broader participation and tangible support for affected exporters, it risks fueling economic fragmentation and undermining global trust – just when international climate cooperation is most critical and official development assistance is being slashed. But the CBAM is not beyond repair. With thoughtful reforms, it can evolve from a rigid policy tool into a catalyst for an equitable climate transition. To achieve this, the EU and the UK should consider postponing the start of financial enforcement until at least 2028, thereby giving developing countries time to prepare and adapt. This pause must be anchored in a strategic partnership framework that directs resources toward establishing emission-tracking systems, strengthening regulatory capacity, developing carbon-credit markets, and accelerating green industrial investment in climate-vulnerable economies. Moreover, a portion of CBAM revenues should be allocated to international climate partnerships. This would make the mechanism more equitable, build trust with developing countries, and ensure that carbon pricing serves as an incentive rather than a penalty. Most importantly, the CBAM must not be framed as a final destination, but as a step toward a more coordinated and inclusive carbon-pricing framework. Mutual recognition of national systems, policy flexibility, and transitional thresholds could help prevent fragmentation and promote international alignment. While the EU and the UK have both the capacity and the influence to help shape global standards, climate leadership demands more than bold policy ambitions; it requires solidarity, partnership, and the recognition of shared but differentiated responsibilities. Rather than simply decarbonizing imports through a transactional approach, policymakers must focus on facilitating low-carbon development. That goal cannot be achieved through border measures alone. If rushed, the CBAM could become just another divisive international levy. But if recalibrated through a constructive and pragmatic process grounded in trust-building, it has the potential to serve as a unifying platform for international climate cooperation. The fight against climate change will not be won through exclusion. A sustainable future depends on building systems that bring others along. A well-designed CBAM could play a vital role in that effort.

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  It’s time for Africa to embrace nuclear energy

  par minilik.demissie le March 16, 2026

  8 July, 2025Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintBy Claver Gatete Across the continent, a staggering 600 million people remain without access to electricity, a number that translates into significant energy poverty, particularly in rural Africa, where 70-80 million need to gain access yearly to be on track to meet the 2030 universal access to electricity target.  While our continent accounts for 17% of the world's population, we generate less than 3% of global electricity. This ‘power poverty’ stifles industrialization, limits healthcare outcomes, and constrains economic transformation even as Africa exports uranium and other critical minerals to power many parts of the world. Although there is remarkable progress across countries on the continent, the overall pace of progress is slow, requiring an ambitious shift towards nuclear energy, tailored to Africa's unique needs and opportunities. Confronting our fears – examples from around the world Critics are right to debate questions of safety, malice, accidents, cost and potential harmful effects on the environment. Many argue that investing in renewables is sufficient. Furthermore, the public is unlikely to forget Chernobyl and Fukushima and the constant threat of nuclear war. Yet, South Africa's Koeberg plant has operated safely for 40 years, proving nuclear energy works on the continent. In addition, experts note that nuclear energy has the lowest death rate per kWh of any major energy source, safer than wind and solar when accounting for manufacturing risks. Modern reactors such as Westinghouse's AP1000 have passive safety systems that shut down automatically.   With its 25 reactors, South Korea has gone from energy importer to nuclear energy exporter and has a target of providing 30% of its electricity while cutting emissions by 2030. Similarly, France generates 70% of its electricity from nuclear, achieving Europe's lowest electricity prices and a clean grid. Bangladesh, with GDP per capita similar to Kenya's, is building its first reactor with Russian support, proving nuclear energy can be accessible to developing countries.   And there are more encouraging developments closer home. Egypt is constructing four 1,200 MW reactors at El Dabaa—a $30 billion bet on nuclear as an industrial catalyst. Ghana has partnered with NuScale Power to explore Small Modular Reactors - SMRs that could power mines and cities simultaneously. Furthermore, countries that fall under the Tier 1 category -  Egypt, Rwanda, Ghana, Uganda, South Africa, Nigeria and Zambia - are firmly committed to starting or expanding their nuclear energy programs. Governments in Niger, Kenya, Tunisia, Morocco, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Namibia, D.R. Congo, Senegal, Algeria and Zimbabwe are working towards the role of nuclear energy in their future electricity supply systems. Powering industrialisation and the AfCFTA The International Energy Agency estimates that growth in Africa’s industry, commerce and agriculture will require electricity demand to grow by 40% by 2030. ECA assesses that the African Continental Free Trade Area electricity needs will account for 8% of the total continental electricity capacity by 2035, and 14% by 2040, requiring additional investment of $22.4 billion between 2025 and 2040. Furthermore, by 2040, due to rapid population and economic growth in Africa, the electricity supply must expand by more than 4 times.  Furthermore, Africa is facing sectoral transformations due to frontier technologies. Data centres to store big data and power frontier technologies require a significant energy supply. The gradual transition of Africa’s transport system to electric vehicles will also increase the demand for electricity generation on the continent.  Africa can no longer risk crawling its way out of energy insecurity.  As we say in Africa, we can sing and dance at the same time. As we invest in renewable energy resources, we can also advance nuclear energy development. Egypt's El Dabaa will deliver 4,800 MW for $6.25 billion. With an over 40-year lifespan, Nuclear makes it cost-competitive.   But what about the nagging question of nuclear waste? Current innovations are proving that new reactor designs consume nuclear waste as fuel. Waste management systems have also developed to offer safer options for disposal. Countries such as Niger with large deposits of uranium could power reactors for centuries while solving waste challenges. Namibia could achieve energy independence and power the rest of Africa for decades to come– after all, Africa controls 20% of global uranium reserves. Government Commitment and Tangible Benefits The path ahead is clear. We must harness nuclear energy’s potential and adopt a bold political commitment backed by a clear national roadmap, including target dates for operational plants and long-term capacity-building initiatives. The potential is enormous and could result in creating thousands of skilled jobs and transforming Africa’s energy system towards greater energy security. Governments need to tap into the reliability of nuclear power. With a 90% capacity factor, plants enjoy up to 45 years of economic life. While large-scale reactors provide stable baseload power, low-hanging fruit should focus on deploying SMRs first (20-300 MW) to power mines and industries, before scaling up to gigawatt plants. To address the financing hurdle, which requires high upfront costs (70–85% fixed), countries can draw lessons from Africa’s 6.4 GW renewable energy projects, such as South Africa’s procurement program and global nuclear public-private partnership financing models. Africa’s regional power pools, such as the Southern African Power Pool and the upcoming launch of a regional electricity market in the East African Power Pool, could amplify investment by pooling demand. The African Single Electricity Market (2040 vision) aims to integrate continental grids, boosting nuclear power’s viability.   Creating an African Nuclear Alliance can pool resources, negotiate better technology transfer deals and training programs and reform energy financing in partnership with Africa’s financial institutions to de-risk projects. The African Union and regional blocs must lead this charge to secure Africa’s energy future.   The time is now to move from potential to action. If done right, Africa could be a leader in this sector. Nuclear energy offers a bright future. But we must act deliberately and have the courage to embrace it.

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  COP30 in Belem must secure Africa’s future and that of humanity

  par minilik.demissie le March 16, 2026

  3 November, 2025Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintBy Claver Gatete Africa will not be defined by what it lacks, but by the solutions it provides.  The continent will not wait for others to act. It will push forward its climate agenda with ambition, urgency, coherence and resolve—while demanding that others meet their respective duties and obligations under international climate agreements.  This was the resounding message from two consequential climate conclaves held under the banner of the Africa Climate Summit in recent years: the first hosted by Kenya in 2023, and the second by Ethiopia in September 2025. It is also Africa’s message to the upcoming UN global conference on climate change in Belém, Brazil, in November 2025—a message of Africa’s determination to be a climate solutions provider and investment destination, and to boldly claim its rightful place in the global climate economy.  The continent has resolved to build modern, green, and inclusive industrial economies by harnessing its vast natural resource endowment and fostering international partnerships and solidarity to secure jobs, opportunity and dignity for its people. Africa is charging ahead on this journey with steadfast leadership and focus. The continent is one of the most ambitious and devoted actors in the Paris Climate Agreement. All African countries have signed the Agreement, and Africa has some of the boldest Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) or national climate policies and strategies.  Ethiopia, for example,  became the first country in the world to ban imports of internal combustion engine vehicles in 2023. Its Green Legacy Initiative on reforestation and climate resilience, launched in 2019, has now planted over 40 billion trees. The country had already a robust Climate Resilient and Green Economy Strategy well before the Paris Climate Agreement was established in 2015.  Meanwhile, neighbouring Kenya—despite accounting for only 0.16% of global GHG emissions—has an ambitious third-generation NDC (NDC 3.0) that seeks to reduce emissions by 35% and build a resilient green economy by 2035. The country already generates 90% of its electricity from renewable energy sources and has committed to reaching 100% by 2035 through its NDC 3.0. Across Africa, many efforts like these abound. They include large-scale renewable energy projects; extensive forest landscape restoration initiatives; locally-led adaptation efforts; and innovative climate finance approaches.  Over the last decade, for example, several African governments, corporations and development finance institutions have piloted a range of green finance instruments, including green bonds, blue bonds and debt-for-climate and debt-for-nature swaps. By 2023, more than two dozen green bonds had been issued in Africa, including in Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, Seychelles, Tanzania, Rwanda, Gabon, Mozambique, Mauritius, Morocco, Namibia and Zambia. For Africa, climate action, growth and development are not separate—they are mutually reinforcing and must be advanced together. Facing some of the most severe impacts of climate change, and despite contributing less than 4% to global greenhouse gas emissions, Africa understands better than most that in a world increasingly shaped by climate and environmental shocks, resilience is not a choice, and climate action can wait no longer. Climate change amplifies pre-existing social, economic and political challenges, which in turn constrain the ability of states and communities to mitigate or adapt.  Investing in climate action is therefore a precondition for sustained economic progress.  Delaying action will only magnify the costs of inaction, including much steeper social and economic costs in the future.  This is not theoretical. On average, climate change already costs Africa up to 5% of GDP annually, with more vulnerable countries forced to divert up to 9% of national budgets to manage climate-induced damages. These are losses not only of wealth, but of stability, sovereignty and future opportunity. Africa understands that resilience can transform vulnerability into viability. Investment in adaptation and resilience delivers consistently high returns, with every dollar yielding an estimated US$10–14 in avoided losses and broader economic and social benefits.  Beyond mitigating loss, resilience also protects natural capital, safeguards supply chains and stabilizes economies.  Ambitious and timely climate action by every country is not just vital to meeting global climate goals—it is foundational to inclusive global development, resilience and long-term prosperity. In the fight against climate change, Africa does not lack ambition, clarity of purpose, leadership or innovation. What Africa lacks is commensurate leadership, partnership and solidarity on the part of advanced economies. This structural imbalance handicaps the continent’s fight against climate change – and it must change.  To illustrate with one example: climate finance remains the single most important constraint to the successful delivery of Africa’s bold vision for climate-positive development. The continent faces a US$160 billion adaptation finance gap annually.  The continent needs the industrialized countries to deliver on their climate finance commitments under the Paris Agreement, where such finance is an obligation, not charity. And aptly so, as mentioned earlier, investing in climate action is not just necessary to achieve climate objectives but is also key to sustaining economic progress.   What Africa will bring to Belem  Africa is not going to COP30 in Belem empty-handed, nor with a begging bowl.  In addition to its highly ambitious NDCs, the continent is already moving forward with other ambitious homegrown climate solutions as outlined in the Addis Ababa Climate Leaders’ Declaration.  These include the Africa Climate Innovation Compact, which seeks to deliver 1,000 homegrown climate solutions by 2030 by mobilizing US$50 billion annually in catalytic finance for resilient solutions in renewable energy, water, agriculture and transport.  This also includes a US$100 billion Green Industrialization Initiative, backed by a consortium of African financial institutions including the African Development Bank (AfDB) and Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), to help transform Africa into a climate-smart growth engine.  Furthermore, the continent is positioning itself to leverage its vast natural resources endowment, including critical minerals and nature-based solutions, to advance its climate and development agenda.   Africa’s asks As the world meets in Belem, Brazil, in November 2025, Africa’s asks of the conference are grounded in its vision of climate-positive development. First, COP30 must elevate and prioritise adaptation and fast-track implementation of all pre-agreed commitments, including the full operationalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund and finalization of a Global Goal on Adaptation by 2026.  Resilience must be framed as a fiscal asset and a productive investment in growth. The quality and quantity of adaptation finance must be significantly enhanced based on measurable needs and the negative impacts of climate change. By integrating the long-term economic benefits of resilience into macroeconomic fundamentals, the world can not only reduce the fiscal pressures that many countries face but also unlock the capital, both public and private, needed to build sustainable and inclusive economies. Second, the global financial architecture must be reformed to align with global climate goals;  lower the cost of capital; help facilitate mobilisation of the capital necessary for both development and climate action by crowding in and de-risking private capital; and to enhance resilience to climate shocks.  We reiterate the call of the Nairobi African Climate Leaders’ Declaration for the adoption of principles of responsible sovereign lending and accountability encompassing credit rating, risk analysis and debt sustainability assessment frameworks. For multilateral development banks (MDBs) and other development finance institutions (DFIs), this means aligning their portfolios with country-specific national climate targets and exploring innovative instruments—especially those aimed at reducing the predominant use of non-grant instruments—alongside other measures aimed at lowering the cost of capital to reduce the risk of a vicious climate-debt cycle.  MDBs and DFIs should deploy a diversity of climate finance instruments to more-effectively respond to individual country needs. Specifically, instead of expensive debt instruments, MDBs should explore greater use of concessional grants and other instruments such as debt-for-climate or debt-for-nature swaps, resilience bonds, and the rechannelling of existing SDRs (Special Drawing Rights) into climate finance or issuing new climate-focused SDRs. For world leaders, we reiterate the Nairobi African Climate Leaders’ Declaration proposal for a global carbon taxation regime, including a carbon tax on fossil fuel trade, maritime transport, and aviation, together with a global financial transaction tax (FTT) to provide dedicated, affordable and accessible finance for climate-positive investments at scale.  We also reiterate the Declaration’s call for a revaluation of the concept of Gross Domestic Product through the proper valuation of natural capital and ecosystem services, including but not limited to forests that sequester carbon. Finally, the global climate governance architecture must be fundamentally fair, just and adapted to today’s challenges. The world deserves a global climate governance system that recognises, with great urgency and without equivocation, that climate change is the single greatest challenge facing humanity. It deserves a system that demands and undertakes audacious and concerted action from all nations to lower emissions and reduce the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Everyone knows that Africa is not historically responsible for global warming, yet it bears the brunt of the effects of climate change. This notwithstanding, neither African leadership nor its people have any interest in playing the victim card. The continent is solely focused on finding solutions and leading with action and urgency. For the sake of planetary health and human well-being, we demand that other nations, leaders, and peoples do the same. If Belem is to live up to its billing as the ‘Delivery COP,’ it must deliver on this simple proposition. Given the scale of interconnected crises, the world has no choice—and no time. The time to act, and to do so boldly, is now.  Africa has heard the message and is already on the move. Will the rest of the world please join Africa in this singular generational task to secure our collective futures—and that of our lonely planet?

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  Reparations for Africans must transform the systems that still limit Africa’s future

  par minilik.demissie le March 16, 2026

  10 December, 2025Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintBy Claver Gatete Africa entered 2025 with a historic opportunity. For the first time, the African Union has placed reparations at the center of its continental agenda, framing it as part of its wider continental theme for 2025. This commitment invites us to confront a painful past – but more importantly – to redesign the systems that continue to constrain Africa’s prospects today. To this end, reparations should correct deep structural imbalances so that Africa’s land, people, and resources drive shared prosperity, not persistent inequality. Africa’s experience is distinctive. It is no secret that while Africa continues to operate within a global order shaped by enslavement, colonization, and dispossession, the same extractive logic that once seized land now manifests in unequal trade regimes, inflated borrowing costs and credit assessments that undervalue African economies. In this regard, land governance, justice and reparations are not backward-looking debates; they are vital instruments of renewal for a continent that remains a marginal producer and a price taker within global value chains. This is why the outcomes of the 2025 Conference on Land Policy in Africa (CLPA), held at the historic Africa Hall at the Economic Commission for Africa from 10–14 November, hold profound significance. Under the theme “Land Governance, Justice and Reparations for Africans and Descendants of People of the African Diaspora,” the conference positioned land as the connective tissue between historical injustice, present-day exclusion and future opportunities. It provides a continental platform to frame reparations as a forward-looking agenda that links land rights, fair finance, climate resilience and industrialization. The imbalance is clear. Despite holding about 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, 65% of uncultivated arable land and the youngest population, Africa still accounts for only a small share of global trade and about 2% of world manufacturing. The continent loses an estimated US$88 billion annually in illicit financial flows, while unfair credit ratings and limited access to climate finance reinforce a cycle where resource wealth does not translate into structural transformation. As concluded by the stakeholders that included farmers, traditional authorities, private sector, academia, governments and partners of the Economic Commission for Africa and its co-organizing partners – the African Union and the African Development Bank – transformative reparations must address the rules, incentives and institutions that keep Africa at the bottom of global value chains, including those that favour raw commodity exports over value addition. This means dismantling the incentives that consign African countries to export cocoa beans instead of chocolate, lithium instead of electric batteries, or crude oil instead of petrochemicals. Reparations must empower Africa to generate and retain value, not surrender it. At national and local levels, this begins with strengthening land governance and tenure security, especially for women, youth and smallholder farmers. Indeed, secure and transparent land systems are not only matters of justice; they underpin food security, investment, social stability and peace. They must form the foundation of any serious reparations agenda. Equally important, land governance should be nationally defined – shaped by sovereign legal frameworks, local contexts and community priorities. This means that reparations cannot impose one-size-fits-all approaches; rather, they must empower countries to determine and implement solutions consistent with their national realities. Beyond this, digital tools and climate-smart practices can modernize land administration, protect ecosystems and ensure that communities most vulnerable to climate change are not further marginalized or left behind. Equally crucial are the institutions and actors that can turn this vision into reality. African universities, for example, must deepen their role as engines of problem-solving knowledge. They should align curricula with future industries, valorize indigenous knowledge and develop innovations that address land governance, industrial development and climate resilience. By working directly with policymakers and nurturing youth talent, universities can move the reparations agenda from rhetoric to implementable policy. Here, the opportunities created by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) are decisive. With a combined GDP of roughly US$3.4 trillion, the AfCFTA is the scale Africa needs to convert resource endowments into regional value chains, competitive African products and vibrant domestic markets. Reparations must therefore be linked to regional integration, not only to correct historical harm, but to create new economic pathways that will lead to dignified jobs, competitive industries and broad-based prosperity. Transformative reparations must also recognize Africa’s sixth region – the diaspora – as a strategic partner rather than a peripheral actor. Diaspora capital, expertise and advocacy can accelerate Africa’s industrial, digital and knowledge transitions if channelled through structured vehicles aligned with continental priorities.  Equally, Africa’s support for its diaspora should go beyond remittances inflows towards policies that protect their rights, recognize their contributions and integrate their interests in the countries where they reside. Ultimately, reparations that matter will be measured not by what they symbolize, but by whether they rebalance power over land, capital, technology and knowledge. When global finance becomes fair, when land rights are secure and inclusive, when African industries process African resources for both African and global markets, then reparations will have begun to achieve their purpose.  In that future, land will no longer be a source of dispossession, but the foundation of a just, prosperous and confident Africa.

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  High-level policy dialogue explores how innovation, data, and frontier technologies can accelerate West Africa’s economic transformation

  par eskinder.tsegaye le March 16, 2026

  13 March, 2026Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintNiamey, Niger, 13 March 2026 - The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), through its Sub-Regional Office for West Africa (SRO-WA), organized a high-level policy dialogue on 12 March 2026 to explore how innovation, data, and frontier technologies can support economic transformation in West Africa. Held under the theme “Growth through innovation: Harnessing data and frontier technologies for the economic transformation of West Africa,” the virtual dialogue formed part of the preparatory process for the 58th session of the Conference of African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (CoM 2026), scheduled from 28 March to 3 April 2026 in Tangier, Morocco. The dialogue took place at a critical time when African economies are seeking to accelerate structural transformation and build more resilient and diversified growth models. While Africa recorded strong growth between 2000 and 2019, this growth has yet to translate into sufficient industrialization, significant productivity gains, or the creation of high-quality jobs. Many economies also remain heavily dependent on primary commodities and continue to face structural constraints. The main objective of the meeting was to build on ongoing digital transformation efforts in West Africa and stimulate policy discussions on how innovation ecosystems and frontier technologies can drive economic growth, competitiveness, and sustainable development. The dialogue brought together senior government officials, representatives of regional economic communities and intergovernmental organizations, private sector leaders, civil society organizations, academia, and members of the Network of Economic Journalists for West Africa. Speaking at the opening of the dialogue, the Director of ECA’s Sub-Regional Office for West Africa, Ms. Ngone Diop, highlighted the importance of leveraging innovation to accelerate the region’s development. "I am confident that the discussions in this dialogue will help identify new avenues to accelerate the adoption and effective use of data and frontier technologies. These opportunities will be critical to advancing economic growth, structural transformation, and sustainable development in West Africa and the broader continent," she said. The Chair of the Intergovernmental Committee of Senior Officials and Experts for West Africa and Deputy Director of Planning, Policy, and Research of Sierra Leone, Mr. Joseph Samah, noted the importance of the dialogue in advancing regional cooperation on innovation. "Today’s dialogue therefore offers a timely platform to review progress in digital transformation and innovation across West Africa, to share experiences and best practices, and to identify policy and regulatory options that can help accelerate innovation-led growth in the region," he said. The outcomes of the dialogue are expected to contribute to policy discussions at the upcoming Conference of Ministers and help shape recommendations on how West African countries can better harness data, innovation and frontier technologies to achieve inclusive and sustainable growth. Issued by:Communications SectionEconomic Commission for AfricaPO Box 3001Addis AbabaEthiopiaTel: +251 11 551 5826E-mail: eca-info@un.org

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  Turning tourism data into a driver of growth: São Tomé and Príncipe launches its first national tourism survey

  par eskinder.tsegaye le March 16, 2026

  26 February, 2026Share this:facebooktwitteremailprintSão Tomé, 26 February 2026 (ECA) – São Tomé and Príncipe is set to conduct its first-ever national tourism survey following the adoption by national experts of a comprehensive methodology, aligned with international standards. The survey will collect data from 285 tourism establishments across the country. It will generate reliable statistics on employment, private investment and the economic impact of tourism businesses, contributing to the update of the country’s first report on tourism economic data. Data collection is scheduled to take place from 4 to 22 May 2026 nationwide. “The Government recognizes that reliable and up-to-date data form the foundation of effective public policies. Tourism Satellite Accounts have become an indispensable tool for measuring tourism’s real contribution to economic growth, job creation and foreign exchange earnings,” a representative of the Ministry of Tourism stated. The survey is part of Phase II of the support provided by the Subregional Office for Central Africa of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) to the Government of São Tomé and Príncipe for the development of tourism economic statistics. “This marks a decisive step toward building a robust tourism statistical system for São Tomé and Príncipe—one capable of informing strategic planning, attracting investment and supporting the sustainable valorization of the country’s natural and cultural assets,” said Laura Ngomegni, representing the Director of ECA’s Subregional Office for Central Africa. Beyond the survey itself, the initiative also aims to strengthen the long-term capacity of the national statistical system. National experts have received training on designing tourism-specific statistical surveys, as well as on modern data collection and analysis techniques. In the longer term, the project will help reinforce institutional coordination, particularly between the Ministry of Tourism and the National Institute of Statistics, to ensure the regular production of reliable tourism statistics. “As a Small Island Developing State and a UNESCO-designated World Biosphere Reserve, São Tomé and Príncipe sees sustainable tourism as one of its greatest development opportunities. Turning this potential into tangible results requires continued investment in skills, governance, innovation and destination promotion,” the Ministry of Tourism representative emphasized. Work carried out under Phase II of the project has already quantified the economic contribution of tourism, confirming its role as a major driver of wealth creation and value addition in São Tomé and Príncipe. The upcoming survey will further refine this measurement, providing stronger evidence to guide public policy, investment strategies in the tourism sector and the country’s broader economic diversification efforts. “Tourism is a strategic sector for São Tomé and Príncipe. But beyond beaches and landscapes, it must become a sector that is measured, analyzed and managed on the basis of reliable data. Only then can it fully contribute to sustainable development, economic diversification and the blue economy,” the representative of ECA’s Subregional Office for Central Africa concluded. Media ContactZacharie Roger MBARGA – Communications OfficerUnited Nations Economic Commission for Africa637, Rue 3.069, Quartier du Lac, Yaoundé, CameroonTel: (+237) 222504348Email: zacharie.mbargayene@un.org Issued by:Communications SectionEconomic Commission for AfricaPO Box 3001Addis AbabaEthiopiaTel: +251 11 551 5826E-mail: eca-info@un.org